Hello, Chicago! (Applause.) It's good
to be home! (Applause.) Thank you, everybody. Thank you. (Applause.)
Thank you so much. Thank you. (Applause.) All right, everybody sit
down. (Applause.) We're on live TV here. I've got to move.
(Applause.) You can tell that I'm a lame duck because nobody is
following instructions. (Laughter.) Everybody have a seat.
(Applause.)
My
fellow Americans -- (applause) -- Michelle and I have been so touched
by all the well wishes that we've received over the past few weeks. But
tonight, it's my turn to say thanks. (Applause.) Whether we have seen
eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the
American people, in living rooms and in schools, at farms, on factory
floors, at diners and on distant military outposts --- those
conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and
kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a
better President, and you made me a better man. (Applause.)
So
I first came to Chicago when I was in my early 20s. And I was still
trying to figure out who I was, still searching for a purpose in my
life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working
with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on
these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet
dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE PRESIDENT: I can't do that.
AUDIENCE: Four more years! Four more years! Four more years!
THE
PRESIDENT: This is where I learned that change only happens when
ordinary people get involved and they get engaged, and they come
together to demand it.
After
eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just
my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea --- our bold
experiment in self-government. It's the conviction that we are all
created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights,
among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It's the
insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been
self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our
democracy, can form a more perfect union.
What
a radical idea. A great gift that our Founders gave to us: The
freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat and toil and
imagination, and the imperative to strive together, as well, to achieve a
common good, a greater good.
For
240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose
to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over
tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad
to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and
the Rio Grande. (Applause.) It's what pushed women to reach for the
ballot. It's what powered workers to organize. It's why GIs gave their
lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima, Iraq and Afghanistan. And why men
and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs, as well.
(Applause.)
So
that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional -- not that our
nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the
capacity to change and make life better for those who follow. Yes, our
progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard.
It's always been contentious. Sometimes it's been bloody. For every
two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long
sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening
of our founding creed to embrace all and not just some. (Applause.)
If
I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great
recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of
job creation in our history -- (applause) -- if I had told you that we
would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's
nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind
of 9/11 -- (applause) -- if I had told you that we would win marriage
equality, and secure the right to health insurance for another 20
million of our fellow citizens --- (applause) -- if I had told you all
that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high. But
that's what we did. (Applause.) That's what you did.
You
were the change. You answered people's hopes, and because of you, by
almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was
when we started. (Applause.)
In 10 days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy.
AUDIENCE: Nooo --
THE
PRESIDENT: No, no, no, no, no -- the peaceful transfer of power from
one freely elected President to the next. (Applause.) I committed to
President-elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest
possible transition, just as President Bush did for me. (Applause.)
Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can help us
meet the many challenges we still face.
We
have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those
challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and
most respected nation on Earth. Our youth, our drive, our diversity and
openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that
the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if
our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency
of our people. (Applause.) Only if all of us, regardless of party
affiliation or particular interests, help restore the sense of common
purpose that we so badly need right now.
That's
what I want to focus on tonight: The state of our democracy.
Understand, democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued.
They quarreled. Eventually they compromised. They expected us to do
the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of
solidarity --- the idea that for all our outward differences, we're all
in this together; that we rise or fall as one. (Applause.)
There
have been moments throughout our history that threatens that
solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those
times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and
the specter of terrorism --- these forces haven't just tested our
security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy, as well.
And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our
ability to educate our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our
homeland. In other words, it will determine our future.
To
begin with, our democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has
economic opportunity. And the good news is that today the economy is
growing again. Wages, incomes, home values, and retirement accounts are
all rising again. Poverty is falling again. (Applause.) The wealthy
are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock market shatters
records. The unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured
rate has never, ever been lower. (Applause.) Health care costs are
rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I've said and I mean it --
if anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the
improvements we've made to our health care system and that covers as
many people at less cost, I will publicly support it. (Applause.)
Because
that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit,
but to make people's lives better. (Applause.)
But
for all the real progress that we've made, we know it's not enough.
Our economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at
the expense of a growing middle class and ladders for folks who want to
get into the middle class. (Applause.) That's the economic argument.
But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic ideal. While
the top one percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too
many families, in inner cities and in rural counties, have been left
behind -- the laid-off factory worker; the waitress or health care
worker who's just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills --
convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their government
only serves the interests of the powerful -- that's a recipe for more
cynicism and polarization in our politics.
But
there are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade
should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic
dislocations won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless
pace of automation that makes a lot of good, middle-class jobs
obsolete.
And
so we're going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all
our kids the education they need -- (applause) -- to give workers the
power to unionize for better wages; to update the social safety net to
reflect the way we live now, and make more reforms to the tax code so
corporations and individuals who reap the most from this new economy
don't avoid their obligations to the country that's made their very
success possible. (Applause.)
We
can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can't be
complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don't create
opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has
stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
There's
a second threat to our democracy -- and this one is as old as our
nation itself. After my election, there was talk of a post-racial
America. And such a vision, however well-intended, was never realistic.
Race remains a potent and often divisive force in our society. Now,
I've lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they
were 10, or 20, or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say.
(Applause.) You can see it not just in statistics, you see it in the
attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.
But
we're not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do.
(Applause.) If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a
hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers
of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the
wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves. (Applause.) If
we're unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because
they don't look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own
children -- because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger
share of America's workforce. (Applause.) And we have shown that our
economy doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for
all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
So
if we're going to be serious about race going forward, we need to
uphold laws against discrimination -- in hiring, and in housing, and in
education, and in the criminal justice system. (Applause.) That is
what our Constitution and our highest ideals require. (Applause.)
But
laws alone won't be enough. Hearts must change. It won't change
overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But
if our democracy is to work in this increasingly diverse nation, then
each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in
American fiction -- Atticus Finch -- (applause) -- who said "You never
really understand a person until you consider things from his point of
view...until you climb into his skin and walk around in it."
For
blacks and other minority groups, it means tying our own very real
struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this
country face -- not only the refugee, or the immigrant, or the rural
poor, or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy
who, from the outside, may seem like he's got advantages, but has seen
his world upended by economic and cultural and technological change. We
have to pay attention, and listen. (Applause.)
For
white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and
Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s -- (applause) -- that when
minority groups voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse
racism or practicing political correctness. When they wage peaceful
protest, they're not demanding special treatment but the equal treatment
that our Founders promised. (Applause.)
For
native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the
stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word,
about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles -- who it was said we're going
to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out,
America wasn't weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these
newcomers embraced this nation's creed, and this nation was
strengthened. (Applause.)
So
regardless of the station that we occupy, we all have to try harder.
We all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens
loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and
family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and
hopeful and worthy of love as our own. (Applause.)
And
that's not easy to do. For too many of us, it's become safer to
retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or on college
campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds,
surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political
outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked
partisanship, and increasing economic and regional stratification, the
splintering of our media into a channel for every taste -- all this
makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And
increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting
only information, whether it's true or not, that fits our opinions,
instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there.
(Applause.)
And
this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. But politics is
a battle of ideas. That's how our democracy was designed. In the
course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the
different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of
facts, without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that
your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason
matter -- (applause) -- then we're going to keep talking past each
other, and we'll make common ground and compromise impossible.
(Applause.)
And
isn't that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can
elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on
preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations?
(Applause.) How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but
pounce when the other party does the same thing? It's not just
dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating.
Because, as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up
with you. (Applause.)
Take
the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our
dependence on foreign oil; we've doubled our renewable energy; we've
led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet.
(Applause.) But without bolder action, our children won't have time to
debate the existence of climate change. They'll be busy dealing with
its effects: more environmental disasters, more economic disruptions,
waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.
Now,
we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem.
But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it
betrays the essential spirit of this country -- the essential spirit of
innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.
(Applause.)
It
is that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic
powerhouse -- the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape
Canaveral; the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every
pocket.
It's
that spirit -- a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of
right over might -- that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and
tyranny during the Great Depression; that allowed us to build a
post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just
on military power or national affiliations but built on principles --
the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion, and speech, and
assembly, and an independent press. (Applause.)
That
order is now being challenged -- first by violent fanatics who claim to
speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see
free markets and open democracies and and civil society itself as a
threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more
far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of
change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a
contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an
intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the
gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of
what's true and what's right.
Because
of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, because
of our intelligence officers, and law enforcement, and diplomats who
support our troops -- (applause)
--
no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed
an attack on our homeland these past eight years. (Applause.) And
although Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us
of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are
more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of
thousands of terrorists -- including bin Laden. (Applause.) The global
coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and
taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no
one who threatens America will ever be safe. (Applause.)
And
to all who serve or have served, it has been the honor of my lifetime
to be your Commander-in-Chief. And we all owe you a deep debt of
gratitude. (Applause.)
But
protecting our way of life, that's not just the job of our military.
Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So, just as we, as
citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must
guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.
(Applause.)
And
that's why, for the past eight years, I've worked to put the fight
against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That's why we've ended
torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance
to protect privacy and civil liberties. (Applause.) That's why I
reject discrimination against Muslim Americans, who are just as
patriotic as we are. (Applause.)
That's
why we cannot withdraw from big global fights -- to expand democracy,
and human rights, and women's rights, and LGBT rights. No matter how
imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may
seem, that's part of defending America. For the fight against extremism
and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the
fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the
scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the
world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and
our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So
let's be vigilant, but not afraid. (Applause.) ISIL will try to kill
innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our
Constitution and our principles in the fight. (Applause.) Rivals like
Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world -- unless we
give up what we stand for -- (applause) -- and turn ourselves into
just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which
brings me to my final point: Our democracy is threatened whenever we
take it for granted. (Applause.) All of us, regardless of party,
should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic
institutions. (Applause.) When voting rates in America are some of
the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier,
not harder, to vote. (Applause.) When trust in our institutions is
low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics,
and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public
service. (Applause.) When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw
our congressional districts to encourage politicians to cater to common
sense and not rigid extremes. (Applause.)
But
remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our
participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of
citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be
swinging.
Our
Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a
piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give
it power. (Applause.) We, the people, give it meaning. With our
participation, and with the choices that we make, and the alliances that
we forge. (Applause.) Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms.
Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law. That's up to us.
America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to
freedom are not assured.
In
his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government
is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but "from
different causes and from different quarters much pains will be
taken...to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth." And so
we have to preserve this truth with "jealous anxiety;" that we should
reject "the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of
our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties" that make us
one. (Applause.)
America,
we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so
corrosive that people of good character aren't even willing to enter
into public service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we
disagree are seen not just as misguided but as malevolent. We weaken
those ties when we define some of us as more American than others; when
we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt, and when we sit
back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in
electing them. (Applause.)
It
falls to each of us to be those those anxious, jealous guardians of our
democracy; to embrace the joyous task we've been given to continually
try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward
differences, we, in fact, all share the same proud title, the most
important office in a democracy: Citizen. (Applause.) Citizen.
So,
you see, that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just
when there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at
stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing
with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real
life. (Applause.) If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes
and do some organizing. (Applause.) If you're disappointed by your
elected officials, grab a clipboard, get some signatures, and run for
office yourself. (Applause.) Show up. Dive in. Stay at it.
Sometimes
you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a reservoir of goodness
in other people, that can be a risk, and there will be times when the
process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to
have been a part of this work, and to see it up close, let me tell you,
it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in
America -- and in Americans -- will be confirmed. (Applause.)
Mine
sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I've seen the
hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I
have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found
grace in a Charleston church. I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed
man regain his sense of touch. I've seen wounded warriors who at
points were given up for dead walk again. I've seen our doctors and
volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks.
I've seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and
through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees, or
work for peace, and, above all, to look out for each other. (Applause.)
So
that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the
power of ordinary Americans to bring about change -- that faith has
been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined. And I hope
your faith has, too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you
were there with us in 2004, in 2008, 2012 -- (applause) -- maybe you
still can't believe we pulled this whole thing off. Let me tell you,
you're not the only ones. (Laughter.)
Michelle
-- (applause) -- Michelle LaVaughn Robinson, girl of the South Side --
(applause) -- for the past 25 years, you have not only been my wife and
mother of my children, you have been my best friend. (Applause.) You
took on a role you didn't ask for and you made it your own, with grace
and with grit and with style and good humor. (Applause.) You made the
White House a place that belongs to everybody. (Applause.) And the new
generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.
(Applause.) So you have made me proud. And you have made the country
proud. (Applause.)
Malia
and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two
amazing young women. You are smart and you are beautiful, but more
importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of
passion. (Applause.) You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so
easily. Of all that I've done in my life, I am most proud to be your
dad. (Applause.)
To
Joe Biden -- (applause) -- the scrappy kid from Scranton who became
Delaware's favorite son -- you were the first decision I made as a
nominee, and it was the best. (Applause.) Not just because you have
been a great Vice President, but because in the bargain, I gained a
brother. And we love you and Jill like family, and your friendship has
been one of the great joys of our lives. (Applause.)
To
my remarkable staff: For eight years -- and for some of you, a whole
lot more -- I have drawn from your energy, and every day I tried to
reflect back what you displayed -- heart, and character, and idealism.
I've watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new
journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you
never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against
cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good
that we've done is the thought of all the amazing things that you're
going to achieve from here. (Applause.)
And
to all of you out there -- every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar
town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who
knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first
time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change --
you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for,
and I will be forever grateful. (Applause.) Because you did change the
world. (Applause.) You did.
And
that's why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this
country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only
helped so many Americans, it has inspired so many Americans --
especially so many young people out there -- to believe that you can
make a difference -- (applause) -- to hitch your wagon to something
bigger than yourselves.
Let
me tell you, this generation coming up -- unselfish, altruistic,
creative, patriotic -- I've seen you in every corner of the country.
You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America. (Applause.)
You know that constant change has been America's hallmark; that it's not
something to fear but something to embrace. You are willing to carry
this hard work of democracy forward. You'll soon outnumber all of us,
and I believe as a result the future is in good hands. (Applause.)
My
fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you.
(Applause.) I won't stop. In fact, I will be right there with you, as a
citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young
or whether you're young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as
your President -- the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me
eight years ago. I'm asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring
about change -- but in yours.
I
am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding
documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit
sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;
that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign
battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every
American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can. (Applause.)
Yes, we did. Yes, we can. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. May God continue to bless the United States of America. (Applause.)
As prepared for delivery
It's
good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so
touched by all the well-wishes we've received over the past few weeks.
But tonight it's my turn to say thanks. Whether we've seen eye-to-eye
or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people
-- in living rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at
diners and on distant outposts -- are what have kept me honest, kept me
inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made
me a better President, and you made me a better man.
I
first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, still trying to
figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was
in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church
groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets
where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working
people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that
change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and
come together to demand it.
After
eight years as your President, I still believe that. And it's not just
my belief. It's the beating heart of our American idea -- our bold
experiment in self-government.
It's
the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator
with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness.
It's
the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been
self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our
democracy, can form a more perfect union.
This
is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our
individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination -- and the
imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.
For
240 years, our nation's call to citizenship has given work and purpose
to each new generation. It's what led patriots to choose republic over
tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad
to freedom. It's what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and
the Rio Grande, pushed women to reach for the ballot, powered workers to
organize. It's why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima;
Iraq and Afghanistan -- and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall
were prepared to give theirs as well.
So
that's what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our
nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the
capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
Yes,
our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been
hard, contentious and sometimes bloody. For every two steps forward, it
often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has
been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding
creed to embrace all, and not just some.
If
I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great
recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of
job creation in our history...if I had told you that we would open up a
new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran's nuclear weapons
program without firing a shot, and take out the mastermind of 9/11...if I
had told you that we would win marriage equality, and secure the right
to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens -- you
might have said our sights were set a little too high.
But
that's what we did. That's what you did. You were the change. You
answered people's hopes, and because of you, by almost every measure,
America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
In
ten days, the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy: the
peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected president to the
next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would
ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did
for me. Because it's up to all of us to make sure our government can
help us meet the many challenges we still face.
We
have what we need to do so. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most
powerful, and most respected nation on Earth. Our youth and drive, our
diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention
mean that the future should be ours.
But
that potential will be realized only if our democracy works. Only if
our politics reflects the decency of the our people. Only if all of us,
regardless of our party affiliation or particular interest, help
restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
That's what I want to focus on tonight -- the state of our democracy.
Understand,
democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders quarreled and
compromised, and expected us to do the same. But they knew that
democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity -- the idea that for
all our outward differences, we are all in this together; that we rise
or fall as one.
There
have been moments throughout our history that threatened to rupture
that solidarity. The beginning of this century has been one of those
times. A shrinking world, growing inequality; demographic change and
the specter of terrorism -- these forces haven't just tested our
security and prosperity, but our democracy as well. And how we meet
these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate
our kids, and create good jobs, and protect our homeland.
In other words, it will determine our future.
Our
democracy won't work without a sense that everyone has economic
opportunity. Today, the economy is growing again; wages, incomes, home
values, and retirement accounts are rising again; poverty is falling
again. The wealthy are paying a fairer share of taxes even as the stock
market shatters records. The unemployment rate is near a ten-year low.
The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower. Health care costs are
rising at the slowest rate in fifty years. And if anyone can put
together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we've
made to our health care system -- that covers as many people at less
cost -- I will publicly support it.
That, after all, is why we serve -- to make people's lives better, not worse.
But
for all the real progress we've made, we know it's not enough. Our
economy doesn't work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the
expense of a growing middle class. But stark inequality is also
corrosive to our democratic principles. While the top one percent has
amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many families, in inner
cities and rural counties, have been left behind -- the laid-off
factory worker; the waitress and health care worker who struggle to pay
the bills -- convinced that the game is fixed against them, that their
government only serves the interests of the powerful -- a recipe for
more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
There
are no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree that our trade
should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic
dislocation won't come from overseas. It will come from the relentless
pace of automation that makes many good, middle-class jobs obsolete.
And
so we must forge a new social compact -- to guarantee all our kids the
education they need; to give workers the power to unionize for better
wages; to update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now
and make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and individuals
who reap the most from the new economy don't avoid their obligations to
the country that's made their success possible. We can argue about how
to best achieve these goals. But we can't be complacent about the goals
themselves. For if we don't create opportunity for all people, the
disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only
sharpen in years to come.
There's
a second threat to our democracy -- one as old as our nation itself.
After my election, there was talk of a post-racial America. Such a
vision, however well-intended, was never realistic. For race remains a
potent and often divisive force in our society. I've lived long enough
to know that race relations are better than they were ten, or twenty, or
thirty years ago -- you can see it not just in statistics, but in the
attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum.
But
we're not where we need to be. All of us have more work to do. After
all, if every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a
hardworking white middle class and undeserving minorities, then workers
of all shades will be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy
withdraw further into their private enclaves. If we decline to invest
in the children of immigrants, just because they don't look like us, we
diminish the prospects of our own children -- because those brown kids
will represent a larger share of America's workforce. And our economy
doesn't have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all
races, all age groups, for men and for women.
Going
forward, we must uphold laws against discrimination -- in hiring, in
housing, in education and the criminal justice system. That's what our
Constitution and highest ideals require. But laws alone won't be
enough. Hearts must change. If our democracy is to work in this
increasingly diverse nation, each one of us must try to heed the advice
of one of the great characters in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who
said "You never really understand a person until you consider things
from his point of view...until you climb into his skin and walk around
in it."
For
blacks and other minorities, it means tying our own struggles for
justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face --
the refugee, the immigrant, the rural poor, the transgender American,
and also the middle-aged white man who from the outside may seem like
he's got all the advantages, but who's seen his world upended by
economic, cultural, and technological change.
For
white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and
Jim Crow didn't suddenly vanish in the '60s; that when minority groups
voice discontent, they're not just engaging in reverse racism or
practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest,
they're not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our
Founders promised.
For
native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the
stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word,
about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasn't weakened by the
presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nation's creed, and it
was strengthened.
So
regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start
with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country
just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do;
that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love
as our own.
None
of this is easy. For too many of us, it's become safer to retreat into
our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college campuses or
places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who
look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge
our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic
and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel
for every taste -- all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even
inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that
we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions,
instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that's out there.
This
trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Politics is a battle
of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, we'll prioritize different
goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some
common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new
information, and concede that your opponent is making a fair point, and
that science and reason matter, we'll keep talking past each other,
making common ground and compromise impossible.
Isn't
that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected
officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on
preschool for kids, but not when we're cutting taxes for corporations?
How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the
other party does the same thing? It's not just dishonest, this
selective sorting of the facts; it's self-defeating. Because as my
mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.
Take
the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, we've halved our
dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the
world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But
without bolder action, our children won't have time to debate the
existence of climate change; they'll be busy dealing with its effects:
environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate
refugees seeking sanctuary.
Now,
we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to
simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays
the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that
guided our Founders.
It's
that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic
powerhouse -- the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape
Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in
every pocket.
It's
that spirit -- a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of
right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and
tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order
with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or
national affiliations but on principles -- the rule of law, human
rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent
press.
That
order is now being challenged -- first by violent fanatics who claim to
speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see
free markets, open democracies, and civil society itself as a threat to
their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more
far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of
change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a
contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an
intolerance of dissent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the
gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what's
true and what's right.
Because
of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the
intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them,
no foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed
an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston
and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law
enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We've
taken out tens of thousands of terrorists -- including Osama bin Laden.
The global coalition we're leading against ISIL has taken out their
leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be
destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all
who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your
Commander-in-Chief.
But
protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy
can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must
remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a
weakening of the values that make us who we are. That's why, for the
past eight years, I've worked to put the fight against terrorism on a
firm legal footing. That's why we've ended torture, worked to close
Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and
civil liberties. That's why I reject discrimination against Muslim
Americans. That's why we cannot withdraw from global fights -- to
expand democracy, and human rights, women's rights, and LGBT rights --
no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring
such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance
and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism
and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the
rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and
between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be
threatened.
So
let's be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent
people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our
Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or
China cannot match our influence around the world -- unless we give up
what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that
bullies smaller neighbors.
Which
brings me to my final point -- our democracy is threatened whenever we
take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw
ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When
voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we
should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our
institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money
in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics
in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our
districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not
rigid extremes.
And
all of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the
responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of
power swings.
Our
Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it's really just a
piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give
it power -- with our participation, and the choices we make. Whether or
not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and
enforce the rule of law. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of
our long journey to freedom are not assured.
In
his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government
is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but "from
different causes and from different quarters much pains will be
taken...to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth;" that we
should preserve it with "jealous anxiety;" that we should reject "the
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country
from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties" that make us one.
We
weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so
corrosive that people of good character are turned off from public
service; so coarse with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are
not just misguided, but somehow malevolent. We weaken those ties when
we define some of us as more American than others; when we write off the
whole system as inevitably corrupt, and blame the leaders we elect
without examining our own role in electing them.
It
falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our
democracy; to embrace the joyous task we've been given to continually
try to improve this great nation of ours. Because for all our outward
differences, we all share the same proud title: Citizen.
Ultimately,
that's what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when
there's an election, not just when your own narrow interest is at stake,
but over the full span of a lifetime. If you're tired of arguing with
strangers on the internet, try to talk with one in real life. If
something needs fixing, lace up your shoes and do some organizing. If
you're disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clipboard, get
some signatures, and run for office yourself. Show up. Dive in.
Persevere. Sometimes you'll win. Sometimes you'll lose. Presuming a
reservoir of goodness in others can be a risk, and there will be times
when the process disappoints you. But for those of us fortunate enough
to have been a part of this work, to see it up close, let me tell you,
it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in
America -- and in Americans -- will be confirmed.
Mine
sure has been. Over the course of these eight years, I've seen the
hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I've
mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace
in Charleston church. I've seen our scientists help a paralyzed man
regain his sense of touch, and our wounded warriors walk again. I've
seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop
pandemics in their tracks. I've seen the youngest of children remind us
of our obligations to care for refugees, to work in peace, and above
all to look out for each other.
That
faith I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of
ordinary Americans to bring about change -- that faith has been rewarded
in ways I couldn't possibly have imagined. I hope yours has, too.
Some of you here tonight or watching at home were there with us in 2004,
in 2008, in 2012 -- and maybe you still can't believe we pulled this
whole thing off.
You're
not the only ones. Michelle -- for the past twenty-five years, you've
been not only my wife and mother of my children, but my best friend.
You took on a role you didn't ask for and made it your own with grace
and grit and style and good humor. You made the White House a place
that belongs to everybody. And a new generation sets its sights higher
because it has you as a role model. You've made me proud. You've made
the country proud.
Malia
and Sasha, under the strangest of circumstances, you have become two
amazing young women, smart and beautiful, but more importantly, kind and
thoughtful and full of passion. You wore the burden of years in the
spotlight so easily. Of all that I've done in my life, I'm most proud
to be your dad.
To
Joe Biden, the scrappy kid from Scranton who became Delaware's favorite
son: you were the first choice I made as a nominee, and the best. Not
just because you have been a great Vice President, but because in the
bargain, I gained a brother. We love you and Jill like family, and your
friendship has been one of the great joys of our life.
To
my remarkable staff: For eight years -- and for some of you, a whole
lot more -- I've drawn from your energy, and tried to reflect back what
you displayed every day: heart, and character, and idealism. I've
watched you grow up, get married, have kids, and start incredible new
journeys of your own. Even when times got tough and frustrating, you
never let Washington get the better of you. The only thing that makes
me prouder than all the good we've done is the thought of all the
remarkable things you'll achieve from here.
And
to all of you out there -- every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar
town and kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked
on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every
American who lived and breathed the hard work of change -- you are the
best supporters and organizers anyone could hope for, and I will forever
be grateful. Because yes, you changed the world.
That's
why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country
than I was when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped
so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans -- especially so
many young people out there -- to believe you can make a difference; to
hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves. This generation
coming up -- unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic -- I've seen you
in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, just, inclusive
America; you know that constant change has been America's hallmark,
something not to fear but to embrace, and you are willing to carry this
hard work of democracy forward. You'll soon outnumber any of us, and I
believe as a result that the future is in good hands.
My
fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I
won't stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for
all my days that remain. For now, whether you're young or young at
heart, I do have one final ask of you as your President -- the same
thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.
I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change -- but in yours.
I
am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding
documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit
sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice;
that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign
battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every
American whose story is not yet written:
Yes We Can.
Yes We Did.
Yes We Can.
Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America.
Comments
Post a Comment